THE RECENT WARS OF THE UNITED STATES B

A PATTERN OF PUBLIC RAPE AND MURDER

Francoise Hall, M.D., M.P.H.

Number of words: 13,481 July 13, 2005

Number of pages: 48

Copyright 2005, Francoise Hall, all rights reserved.

THE RECENT WARS OF THE UNITED STATES B

A PATTERN OF PUBLIC RAPE AND MURDER

THE PATTERN

The pattern which emerges from an analysis of the wars in which the United States has been engaged during the period 1960 to the present, has, on a public level, the characteristics of rape and murder on an individual level. The government, acting on behalf of the people B with definite but not insurmountable resistance from them B exhibits the same constellation of strategies as an individual rapist/murderer would be likely to display. This pattern includes:

1. A self-perception of being fundamentally good.

2. Silencing inner (domestic) doubts.

3. Selecting one victim from a pool of possible many.

4. Blaming the victim.

5. Demonizing the victim.

6. Finding immediate pretexts for the act.

7. Once the action starts, an all-out push and unwillingness to stop.

8. Denial of the human suffering imposed.

9. With victory, a sense of accomplishment.

10. After the act, a lack of remorse.

11. A period of quiescence.

12. Fantasies of further similar actions.

Imbedded within the deeds, language and implements of war, are strong sexual innuendoes and imageries, giving war a general gestalt more congruent with the crime of rape and murder than that of simple murder. Wars have the characteristics of being an acting-out by the government of rape and murder fantasies present unconsciously in the population at large. The government would not be able to act, were it not supported by the tacit acquiescence of most of the population. As long as our sexual fantasies remain unconscious, we will continue to disavow them and (unconsciously) delegate to the government the task of actualizing them on the world stage. This is true whether our socio-political position is liberal or conservative. Each side lays most of the blame for war on the other, but the situation psychologically is deeper than that. We all have fantasies and it is impossible to sort them out until they are brought into consciousness.

Men dominate our culture and male fantasies predominate in the actualization of the culture=s fantasies. War is mostly a male adventure.

THE ANALYSIS

The present analysis encompasses U.S. wars from 1960 to 2003, to wit:

1. The Invasion of the Dominican Republic, May 2, 1965.

Death Toll: From 26 to 31 U.S. soldiers; 3,000 Dominicans, many of them civilians.

2. The Invasion of Vietnam, 1957-April 30, 1975.

Death Toll: 58,000 U.S. soldiers; 2,000,000 Vietnamese, mostly civilians.

3. The Invasion of Grenada, October 25, 1983.

Death Toll: 19 U.S. soldiers; 45 Grenadian, 59 Cuban soldiers. Estimates of Grenadian civilian deaths range up to a high of 4,000.

4. The Invasion of Panama, December 20, 1989.

Death Toll: 23 U.S. soldiers; between 1,000 and 4,000 Panamanian civilians.

5. The Gulf War, January 16 - March 3, 1991.

Death Toll: 266 U.S. soldiers killed on the battlefield. This number does not include veterans who died later as a result of what became known as the Gulf War Syndrome. Between 50,000 and 100,000 Iraqi soldiers killed. In addition, 113,500 Iraqi civilian fatalities, 60 percent of them children. This figure includes 3,500 Iraqi civilians killed during the war, and another 110,000 whose death was a direct consequence of the damage to the health and sanitation systems.

6. The Invasion of Yugoslavia, March 24 - June 10, 1999.

Death Toll: No fatalities in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Alliance. According to Human Rights Watch, about 500 Yugoslavian civilian fatalities. According to the Yugoslav government, between 1,200 and 5,000 Yugoslavian civilian fatalities.

7. The Invasion of Afghanistan, October 7 - December 17, 2001.

Death Toll: As of April 30, 2004, 736 deaths of U.S. soldiers confirmed. The total is probably around 1,000. From October 7, 2001 to March 31, 2002, from 3,000 to 3,400 documented Afghan civilian deaths. Including deaths indirectly caused by the bombardments, Afghan fatalities number in the Atens of thousands@ B perhaps 20,000 to 49,600.

8. The Invasion of Iraq, March 19, 2003 - Present.

Death Toll: As of July 17, 2005, 1,864 U.S. soldiers. A broad estimate of the number of Iraqi civilian fatalities is between 100,000 and 200,000. In 2003, Nafeez Ahmed estimated that the overall number of Iraqi deaths would be likely to be in the hundreds of thousands B perhaps around 324,300 B as deaths from the consequences of the damage to the health and sanitation systems would be included.

Table 1 summarizes the fatalities in the eight wars analyzed.

Table 1: Casualties, Major U.S. Wars, 1960-2003

Country attacked by the U.S.	Civilians killed in Country attacked (Estimated)	Comments on Estimate of Civilians killed	U.S. soldiers killed (Official Sources)
Dominican Republic, May 2, 1965	3,000	AMany of them civilians.@	26-31
Vietnam, 1957-1975	2,000,000	Civilians.	58,000
Grenada, October 25, 1983	4,000	Civilians, upper end of range.	19
Panama, December 20, 1989	1,000-4,000	Civilians.	23
The Gulf War, January 16 - March 3, 1991	3,500	Civilians. In addition, 110,000 civilian fatalities due to the damage to the health and sanitation systems. In addition, 50,000-100,000 Iraqi soldiers.	266 (Does not include veterans who died later as a result of contamination on the battlefield).
Yugoslavia, March 24- June 10, 1999	500-5,000	Civilians.	0
Afghanistan, October 7- December 17, 2001	3,000-3,400 through March 2002	ATens of 1,000=s@ if the indirect causes of death are included. Perhaps 20,000 to 49,600.	1,000 October 7, 2001 to April 30, 2004
Iraq, March 19, 2003 - Present	100,000- 200,000	Civilians. Hundreds of thousands more, if fatalities due to the damage to the health and sanitation systems are included.	1,864 (as of July 17, 2005)

1. PERCEIVING THE SELF AS FUNDAMENTALLY GOOD

Within the United States, conventional wisdom dictates that we, as a people, are generally peaceful, morally upright and well-intentioned. We form a rather exceptional nation guided by high values more than materialistic considerations. Our foreign policy is based on idealism, with efforts, including by our military, to bring salvation to those in the world who are less fortunate than ourselves. Our hegemony is meant to be benign and succeeds fairly well in this respect, except for occasional, very human and understandable errors. We are fundamentally good, and should use our power for the good of humanity.

We rarely question the nobility of our goals, the uprightness of our moral principles or the sincerity of our government. Sometimes, our officials even express feelings of being victimized by those who would doubt their natural virtue. In any case, our leaders tell us, we do not initiate war unless there are really, truly, are no other options.

a. The Nobility of our Goals:

1968: President Lyndon Johnson (1963-1969), on January 17^th, two weeks before the January 31^st North Vietnamese Tet Offensive to which he reacted by dramatically escalating the fighting, in his State of the Union Address:

ABut our goal is peace B and peace at the earliest possible moment... I wish B with all of my heart B that the expenditures that are necessary to build and to protect our power could all be devoted to the programs of peace. But until world conditions permit, and until peace is assured, America=s might, and America=s bravest sons who wear our Nations= uniform, must continue to stand guard for all of us B as they gallantly do tonight in Vietnam and other places in the world.@

1969: President Richard Nixon (1969-1974), on November 3^rd, faced with increasing domestic resistance to the war, in an address to the nation (which became known as both his ASilent Majority@ and his AVietnamization@ speech):

AI have initiated a plan which will end this war in a way that will bring us closer to that great goal to which Woodrow Wilson and every American president in our history has been dedicated B the goal of a just and lasting peace.@

1999: President Bill Clinton (1993-2001), on March 24^th, the day the U.S.-led NATO forces began bombing the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, in an address to the nation:

ABy acting now, we are upholding our values, protecting our interests, and advancing the cause of peace... Ending this tragedy is a moral imperative.@

And two months later, on May 23^rd, in an op-ed in the New York Times:

AWe cannot respond to such tragedies everywhere, but when ethnic conflict turns into ethnic cleansing, where we can make a difference, we must try, and that is clearly the case in Kosovo. Had we faltered, the results would have been a moral and strategic disaster.@

2002: President George W. Bush (2001-Present), on January 29^th, three and a half months after initiating the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, in his State of the Union Address:

ABut America will always stand firm for the non-negotiable demands of human dignity B the rule of law, limits on the power of the state, respect for women, private property, free speech, equal justice, and religious tolerance. America will take the side of brave men and women who advocate these values around the world, including the Islamic world, because we have a greater objective than eliminating threats and containing resentment. We seek a just and peaceful world beyond the war on terror.@

b. The Uprightness of our Moral Principles:

1990: President George H. W. Bush (1989-1993), on October 26^th, two and a half months before the U.S. invasion of Iraq, speaking at a Republican Party campaign rally, in Los Angeles:

AWill we insist that Saddam Hussein get out of Kuwait, that the government of Kuwait be restored, that the rape and the pillage and the plunder of Kuwait stop, and that aggression not be rewarded? It isn=t oil, it is aggression B naked, brutal aggression.@

1991: President George H. W. Bush, on July 15^th, four and a half months after completing the invasion of Iraq:

ABefore the war started, I made it very clear over and over again that our argument was not with the people of Iraq, it wasn=t= even with the regime in Iraq. It was with Saddam Hussein.@

2003: President George W. Bush, on March 17^th, two days before the U.S. invasion of Iraq, in an address to the nation:

AMany Iraqis can hear me tonight in a translated radio broadcast, and I have a message for them. If we must begin a military campaign, it will be directed against the lawless men who rule your country and not against you.@

c. The Sincerity of our Government:

Despite ample documentation of past government lying, our officials insist that that was then, reforms have been made, and the government is now completely honest. We are reluctant to see the ruse:

1971: During the Vietnam War: During the war, the publication of the Pentagon Papers made possible by Daniel Ellsberg=s decision to leak the documents, showed outrageous lying on the part of the government.

2003: Prior to the invasion of Iraq: In the months prior to the invasion of Iraq, the government stood on its grounds, insisting that it was not spying on foreign delegations at the United Nations headquarters, in New York. Nevertheless, a memorandum leaked to the Observer of London, written on January 31^st (six weeks before the invasion of Iraq) by a highly-placed official at the National Security Agency (NSA), gives unequivocal evidence that our government was indeed illegally spying B specifically, on the delegations of Angola, Cameroon, Chile, Guinea, Mexico and Pakistan.

d. Being Victimized:

1966: President Lyndon Johnson, on May 11^th, at a time when he was escalating the Vietnam War:

AThe exercise of power in this century has meant for all of us in the United States, not arrogance by agony. We have used our power not willingly and recklessly ever, but always reluctantly and with restraint.@

2001: President George W. Bush, on September 20^th, nine days after the 9/11 attacks on New York and the Pentagon, in an address to a joint session of Congress:

AAmericans are asking, >Why do they hate us?=@

2003: Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, on April 28^th, a month and a half after the U.S. initiated its invasion of Iraq, during a press conference at which he was asked by an al-Jazeera correspondent whether the Bush administration was bent on Aempire-building@:

AWe don=t seek empires. We=re not imperialistic. We never have been. I can=t imagine why you=d even ask the question.@

e. No Other Options than War:

1964: President Lyndon Johnson, on July 24^th, reacting to French President Charles de Gaulle=s proposal to reconvene the Geneva Conference B an overture which did not include pre-conditions for the United States, and to which the Chinese and North Vietnamese governments had already reacted positively:

AThe conference would... ratify terror.@

2001: President George W. Bush, on September 20^th, nine days after the 9/11 attacks, in his address to a joint session of Congress already mentioned (AAmericans are asking ...@):

AEither you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.@

2. SILENCING DOUBTS

To engage in criminal activity, an individual must silence inner doubts. When it engages in war, our government silences domestic doubts.

1966: President Lyndon Johnson, on May 17^th, as he was escalating the Vietnam War, speaking at a dinner for Democrats, in Cook Country:

AThere will be some Nervous Nellies and some who will become frustrated and bothered and break ranks under the strain. And some will turn on their leaders and on their country and on our fighting men.@

1967: General William Westmoreland, Commander of the U.S. military forces in Vietnam, on April 24^th, a month after several hundred thousand Americans had participated in anti-war protests, speaking at an Associated Press annual luncheon:

A[Despite] repeated military defeats, [the Vietnamese communist enemy], is encouraged by what he believes to be popular opposition to our efforts in Vietnam... [He has gained hope that] he can win politically what he cannot accomplish militarily.@

1968: President Lyndon Johnson, on March 18^th, six weeks after the beginning of the North Vietnamese Tet Offensive, as he was dramatically escalating the war, speaking to the National Farmers Union Convention, in Minneapolis:

A[As long as the foe in Vietnam] feels that he can win something by propaganda in the country, that he can undermine the leadership, that he can bring down the government, that he can get something in the Capital that he can=t get from our men out there, he is going to keep on trying. But I point out to you that the time has come when we ought to unite, when we ought to stand up and be counted.@

1969: President Richard Nixon, on November 3^rd, faced with increasing popular resistance to the war in Vietnam, in his address to the nation already mentioned (AI have initiated a plan...@):

ALet us be united for peace. Let us be united against defeat. Because let us understand: North Vietnam cannot defeat or humiliate the United States. Only Americans can do that.@

2003: Secretary of State Colin Powell, on February 5^th, in his address to the United Nations Security Council, laying out the arguments of the United States for an invasion of Iraq:

AMy colleagues, every statement I make today is backed up by sources, solid sources. These are not assertions. What we=re giving you are facts and conclusions based on solid intelligence.@

3. SELECTING THE VICTIM

At any one time, a number of countries meet the criteria for possible attack by the United States. Many countries, for instance, threaten to move away from capitalism (such as the Dominican Republic, Vietnam and Grenada when they were attacked); many countries have a leader who is also a drug trafficker (such as Panama when it was attacked); many countries are led by a dictator (such as Iraq, in 1991 and in 2003, when it was attacked); many governments commit human rights abuses (such as the government of Yugoslavia when that country was attacked); and many governments harbor Aterrorists@ (such as the government of Afghanistan when that country was attacked). For its own reasons, the United States selects a few countries from a pool of possible many, and targets them for partnership in war. The designation of any one country as an Aenemy,@ is a matter of White House priorities.

1981: President Ronald Reagan (1981-1989), on January 20^th, two years and nine months before the U.S. invasion of Grenada, in his First Inaugural Address:

AAs for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it B we will not surrender for it, now or ever.@

2002: President George W. Bush, on January 29^th, four and a half months after the 9/11 attacks, having stated his first goal, which was to bring terrorists to justice, in his State of the Union Address:

AOur second goal is to prevent regimes that sponsor terror from threatening America or our friends and allies with weapons of mass destruction. Some of these regimes have been pretty quiet since September the 11^th. But we know their true nature. North Korea is a regime... Iran aggressively pursues these weapons... Iraq continues to flaunt its hostility... States like these, and their terrorist allies, constitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the world.@

4. BLAMING THE VICTIM

An individual rapist-murderer often blames his victim B the woman was Aasking for it,@ the little girl was purposefully coy, etc... In a parallel manner, our government often reverses the perpetrator/victim relationship, portraying our selected enemy as evil and ourselves the injured party.

1964: President Lyndon Johnson, on August 4^th, announcing the initiation of military strikes against North Vietnam, in an address to the nation (which became known as his Gulf of Tonkin Incident speech):

AMy fellow Americans, as President and Commander in Chief, it is my duty to the American people to report that the renewed hostile actions against United States ships on the high seas in the Gulf of Tonkin, have today required me to order the military forces of the United States to take action in reply. The initial attack on the destroyer Maddox, on August 2, was repeated today by a number of hostile vessels attacking two U.S. destroyers with torpedoes.@

AThis new act of aggression, aimed directly at our own forces, again brings home to all of us in the United States the importance of the struggle for peace and security and Southeast Asia.@

The Maddox B which Johnson claimed was attacked on August 2^nd, while on a routine patrol in the Gulf of Tonkin B was actually mapping North Vietnamese coastal and air defenses. On August 1^st, it had twice attacked North Vietnam, in conformity with a policy set early that year (1964) to increase military pressure on North Vietnam. The North Vietnamese had not retaliated. And on August 4^th, there had been no torpedo attack by the North Vietnamese. There may not even have been PT boats in the area.

2003: President George W. Bush, on March 17^th, two days before the U.S. invasion of Iraq, in his address to the nation already mentioned (AMany Iraqis can hear me tonight...@):

AIntelligence gathered by this and other governments, leaves no doubt that the Iraq regime continues to possess and conceal some of the most lethal weapons ever devised.@

By January 2004, evidence of deception by the Bush administration had become part of the mainstream news. On September 13, 2004, at a Senate hearing, responding to questions about the intelligence supporting his February 5, 2003, U.N. Security Council speech (AMy colleagues, every statement I make today...@), Secretary of State Colin Powell admitted:

AI think it=s unlikely that we will find any stockpiles.@

5. DEMONIZING THE VICTIM

An evil so great as to warrant large-scale killing needs a visual anchor. Our government uses the leader of the enemy country to build that anchor. He is so evil that U.S. military action against his country is imperative. The process of demonization consists of draining from the targeted leader all possible recognizable human emotions and motivations to the point that in the end, he seems to deserve banishment from the political sphere and even from humanity itself. Leaders whom the United States has thus demonized, include Ho Chi Minh, President of North Vietnam, 1954-1969; General Manuel Noriega, leader of Panama, 1983-1989; Slobodan Milosevic, President of Yugoslavia, 1997-1999; and Saddam Hussein, President of Iraq, 1979-2003.

1965: President Lyndon Johnson, on July 28^th, as he was escalating the war in Vietnam, in a speech at a White House press conference (which became known as his AWe will stand in Vietnam@ speech):

AWe did not choose to be the guardians at the gate, but there is no one else. Nor would surrender in Vietnam bring peace, because we learned from Hitler, at Munich, that success only feeds the appetite of aggression. The battle would be renewed in one country and then another country, bringing with it perhaps even larger and crueler conflict, as we have learned from the lessons of history... We just cannot now dishonor our word or abandon our commitment... We will stand in Vietnam.@

1989: Acting Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger, on August 24^th, four months before the U.S. invasion of Panama, after denouncing President Manuel Noriega for being both power hungry and involved in drug trafficking, at a meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, at the Organization of American States (OAS):

AWill General Noriega be permitted to falsely wrap himself in the flag of Panamanian sovereignty while the drug cartels with which he is allied intervene throughout this hemisphere? That is aggression as surely as Adolf Hitler=s invasion of Poland 50 years ago was aggression. It is aggression against us all, and some day it must be brought to an end.@

1990: President George H. W. Bush, on August 15^th, reacting to the August 2^nd invasion of Kuwait by President Saddam Hussein:

AA half century ago, our nation and the world paid dearly for appeasing an aggressor who should, and could, have been stopped. We are not going to make the same mistake again.@

And two months later, on October 23^rd, at a Republican fund-raising breakfast, in Burlington, Vermont:

AI=m reading a book and it=s a book of history B great, big, thick history about World War II. And there=s a parallel between what Hitler did to Poland and what Saddam Hussein has done to Kuwait. Hitler rolled his tanks and troops into Poland, and do you know what followed the troops? It was the Death=s Head regiment. Do you know what the Death=s Head regiments of the SS were? They were the ones that went in and lined up the kids that were passing out leaflets. Do you know what happened in Kuwait the other day? Two young kids, mid-teens, passing out leaflets. Iraqi soldiers came, got their parents out and watched as they killed them.@

During this same speech of October 23^rd, President Bush paraphrased the October 10^th testimony of a sobbing 15-year-old Kuwaiti girl, said to be an escapee from Kuwait, and introduced to an unofficial meeting of several congress members only as ANayirah,@ Ain order to protect her safety.@ Two years later, after her testimony had served its propagandistic purposes, reporters discovered that ANayirah@was the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador to the United States and that her testimony was false. President Bush:

A[The Kuwaiti] had kids in incubators and they were thrown out of the incubators [by the Iraqis] so that Kuwait could be systematically dismantled.@

1999: President Bill Clinton, on March 23^rd, the day before the U.S.-led NATO forces began bombing Yugoslavia, in a speech to the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME):

AAnd so I want to talk to you about Kosovo today but just remember this B it=s about our values. What if someone had listened to Winston Churchill and stood up to Adolf Hitler earlier? How many people=s lives might have been saved? And how many American lives might have been saved?@

And twenty-four hours later, on March 24^th, the day the NATO forces began to bomb, in his address to the nation already mentioned (ABy acting now, we are upholding...@):

AWe act to prevent a wider war, to defuse a powder keg at the heart of Europe that has exploded twice before in this century with catastrophic results.@

2002: President George W. Bush, on October 7^th, five and a half months before the U.S. invasion of Iraq, speaking in Cincinnati, Ohio:

ASaddam Hussein is a homicidal dictator who is addicted to weapons of mass destruction... Iraq has a growing fleet of manned and unmanned aerial vehicles that could be used to disperse chemical and biological weapons across broad areas. We=re concerned that Iraq is exploring ways of using these [unmanned aerial vehicles] for missions targeting the United States.@

6. FINDING PRETEXTS

When his strategies leading up to the act are in place, the individual rapist/murderer needs an immediate opportunity. The woman=s skirt was even shorter that day, the little girl was under his care for the afternoon, etc... Similarly, the United States government finds immediate pretexts, rationales and justifications. Of late, the names have sounded increasingly erudite B Apublic relations information,@ Astrategic communications,@ Aperception management.@ Pretexts are as numerous and varied as the colors of the rainbow.

1965: The Dominican Republic: During the month prior to the May 2^nd invasion of the Dominican Republic, President Johnson watched as a popular revolt in the little country was about to topple the military government. It was a government which had held power since deposing President Juan Bosch, in a coup, in September 1963, just nine months after Bosch=s December 1992 election. For Johnson, a return of Bosch to the presidency would mean Aanother Cuba@ in the Western Hemisphere, and this would harm Johnson himself domestically, making him look Asoft@ on communism. Johnson formulated several (more acceptable) reasons for possible hostilities with the Dominican Republic:

C To rescue U.S. citizens.

C Because Communists had infiltrated the revolt about to return Juan Bosch to the presidency.

C To prevent an international communist aggression (on the assumption that the rebels were trained in Cuba and led by its President, Fidel Castro).

1950-1975:

Vietnam: The United States entered the war in Vietnam incrementally, in a series of steps between 1950 and 1965. The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution passed by Congress in August 1964, and the sustained bombing of the North (Operation Rolling Thunder), beginning in February 1965, are milestones, after which the United States was committed to the war. Official reasons for the U.S. involvement evolved and shifted over time until toward the end of the war, even generals holding commands in Vietnam were admitting uncertainty about U.S. objectives. Military scholar Colonel Harry Summers points to the study in which Hugh Arnold, Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Nebraska, shows that between 1949 and 1967, the United States government cited twenty-two different objectives for its involvement in Vietnam, several of which were mutually exclusive.

Presidents Truman (1945-1953) and Eisenhower (1953-1961) saw a communist Vietnam to the south of China as an invalidation of the Korean War (1950-1953), so recently fought to stop communism to the north of China. President Kennedy (1961-1963) sought to prove his resolve against communism, particularly in the aftermath of the failure of the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba. President Johnson (1963-1969) saw the war as a test of his mettle, as a Southerner and as a man. Portraying the war metaphorically as a hunt, Johnson exhorted soldiers to Anail the coonskin to the wall.@

The commitment in Vietnam passed on from administration to administration without the government enunciating clear goals. Communism was conceptualized metaphorically as an infectious disease liable to spread to nations surrounding Vietnam. Nations were conceptualized metaphorically as dominoes (the Domino Theory). When one of a line of dominoes stood up on end falls, all dominoes fall. Similarly for nations, if Vietnam Afell@ to communism, all contiguous countries would also Afall.@ Increasingly, toward the end of the war, Acredibility@ became an important argument for continuing the fighting, on the basis that should the United States Aabandon@ South Vietnam, no governments would ever again be able to rely on its word.

Faced with increasing domestic opposition to the war, President Nixon (1969-1974), upon taking office, introduced a policy of AVietnamization@ (encouraging the South to do more of the fighting) and began troop withdrawals. The reliability of the United States was no longer an issue at the peace negotiations in Paris. Chief negotiator Bob Halderman portrayed Nixon as a mentally unstable man who could impulsively resort to nuclear weapons, should he find the terms of the peace agreement insufficiently favorable to the United States (the Madman Theory).

1983: Grenada: On October 25^th, the day of the U.S. invasion of Grenada, President Reagan gave journalists his reasons for the attack:

C To rescue American medical students B AAmerican lives are at stake.@

C To protect Ainnocent lives, including up to a thousand Americans, whose personal safety is, of course, my paramount concern.@

C ALet me repeat, the United States objectives are clear B to protect our own citizens, to facilitate the evacuation of those who want to leave, and to help in the restoration of democratic institutions in Grenada.@

1989: Panama: On December 20^th, the day of the U.S. invasion of Panama, President George H. W. Bush gave his reasons for the attack:

C To protect the lives of Americans in Panama.

C To restore the democratic process in Panama.

C To preserve the Panama Canal treaties.

C To apprehend President Manuel Noriega.

Noam Chomsky makes the point that in fact, the U.S. government had known that Noriega was involved in drug trafficking since at least 1972, when he was on the CIA payroll and the Nixon administration had considered assassinating him. In 1984, with U.S. approval, Noriega stole the elections for his chosen presidential candidate, Nicolas Aradito Barletta. But around 1985, Noriega began to cease cooperating with the U.S.=s contra war. By early 1988, a U.S. campaign of economic sanctions virtually destroyed the Panamanian economy. In May 1989, Noriega lost a nationwide election but stayed in power after authorities in his government voided the results. President George H. W. Bush urged the Panamanian military to overthrow the General. By late summer 1989, U.S. officials were comparing Panama to the Third Reich. In October, a coup attempt in Panama failed, and U.S. Congressional members of both parties began to cast aspersions on the president=s virility in foreign affairs. On December 15^th, the Panamanian National Assembly declared that Panama was in a Astate of war@ with the United States. The United States invaded on December 20^th.

2001: Afghanistan: Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of Defense, on October 7^th, the day the U.S. began its bombing of Afghanistan, outlined his reasoning for the attack thus:

AThe effect we hope to achieve through the raids, which, together with our coalition partners, we have initiated today, is to create conditions for sustained anti-terrorist and humanitarian relief operations in Afghanistan. That requires that, among other things, we first remove the threat from air defenses and from Taliban aircraft.@

The U.S. forces dropped 37,500 individually wrapped meals a day, mostly over northern Afghanistan. However, Afghanistan is the second most heavily mined country in the world, with an estimated 10,000,000 land mines and other unexploded ordnance (UXO). Food packets landing in mine fields led to deaths, particularly of children.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs estimated that the threat, and then the actuality of war, would result in the number of Afghans dependent on aid to increase by 2,000,000 (from the original 5,500,000 to 7,500,000). Concurrently, food aid would be considerably lessened, as the bombing would disrupt aid operations and foreign relief workers would be evacuated.

2002: Iraq: Andrew Card, White House Chief of Staff, on September 6^th, six and a half months before the U.S. invasion of Iraq, explaining to reporters why the White House had waited until after Labor Day to start its public relations campaign to convince the public that an invasion of Iraq was necessary:

AFrom a marketing point of view, you don=t introduce new products in August.@

2003: Iraq: President George W. Bush, during the month prior to the March 19^th U.S. invasion of Iraq, harped on the following reasons for possible hostilities:

C Iraq=s complicity with terrorists and possession of weapons of mass destruction.

C The sheer evil of Saddam Hussein.

C The importance of ushering the people of Iraq and the Middle East into a more democratic era.

7. ONCE THE WAR STARTS: AN ALL-OUT PUSH AND NO BREAKS

Once the act is begun, it is difficult for the individual to stop it, and so it is for our nation. An all-out push to Astand behind@ our troops, is accompanied by an array of official pronouncements as to why stopping is really not an option.

a. An All-out Push:

As the government launches a war, the media, especially television, respond with unabashed enthusiasm. Within the public, a wave of Asupport our troops@ sentiment generally equates dissent with treason.

An over-representation of pro-war views in the media is usual, even without a war being waged. Sociologist Michael Dolny has shown that during the period 1988-2003, the media consistently over-represented citizens in favor of military conflict. However, the over-representation of pro-war opinions reaches an extreme at the beginning of wars.

1991: The Gulf War: During the first two weeks of the invasion of Iraq, out of 878 on-air sources in the ABC, CBS and NBC television nightly news programs, 877 represented views in favor of the war. Among these were the opinions of seven players from the Super Bowl. The one lonely voice which represented a national peace organization was that of Bill Monning, of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW). Thus, during this period of time, 99.89 percent of the views expressed on three major national nightly news programs were pro-war.

1999: The bombing of Yugoslavia: During the first two weeks of the bombing of Yugoslavia, out of 291 sources which appeared on the two influential TV programs, ABC=s Nightline and the PBS NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, 92 percent were in favor of the bombing by the U.S.-led NATO forces.

2003: The Invasion of Iraq: During the first three weeks of the invasion of Iraq, out of the 1,617 on-camera sources which appeared in stories about Iraq on the evening news programs of six television networks, 90 percent were pro-war. (Of the U.S. sources, 97 percent were pro-war). The news programs analyzed were ABC World News Tonight; CBS Evening News; NBC Nightly News; CNN=s Wolf Blitzer Reports; Fox=s Special Report with Brit Hume; and PBS=s NewsHour with Jim Lehrer.

b. Stopping is really not an option:

1965: President Lyndon Johnson, on July 28^th, as he was escalating the war in Vietnam, in his speech at a White House press conference already mentioned (AWe did not choose to be the guardians...@):

AIf we are driven from the field in Vietnam, then no nation can ever again have the same confidence in American promises, or in American protection.@

1968: President Lyndon Johnson, on March 18^th, six weeks after the beginning of the North Vietnamese Tet Offensive, as he was dramatically escalating the war, in his speech to the National Farmers Union Convention already mentioned (A[As long as the foe in Vietnam] feels that he can win...@):

A[War opponents want us to] tuck our tail and violate our commitments. [Advocates of withdrawal from Vietnam, would want us to] cut and run.@

2003: General John Abizaid, Commander of U.S. troops in the Middle East, on August 19^th, three and a half months after the May 1, 2003, declaration by President George W. Bush that Amajor combat operations@ in Iraq had ended:

AIf we can=t be successful here, then we won=t be successful in the global war on terror. It is going to be hard. It is going to be long and sometimes bloody, but we just have to stick with it.@

2004: President George W. Bush, on April 13^th, almost a year after his May 1, 2003, declaration that Amajor combat operations@ in Iraq had ended, at a televised press conference:

ANow is the time, and Iraq is the place, in which the enemies of the civilized world are testing the will of the civilized world. We must not waver... It=s the intentions [sic] of the enemy to shake our will. That=s what they want to do. They want us to leave. And we=re not going to leave. We=re going to do the job.@

2005: President George W. Bush, on August 4^rd, two years and three months after his May 1, 2003, declaration that Amajor combat operations@ in Iraq had ended:

AI hear all the time, >Well, when are you bringing the troops home?= And my answer to you: >As soon as possible, but not before the mission is complete.=@

8. DENIAL OF THE SUFFERING IMPOSED

On an individual basis, perpetrators under-estimate the harm they cause, even when they are of the same racial, ethnic and religious group as the victim. The more the victim differs from the perpetrator in these respects, the greater the distortion. Perpetrators tend not to see themselves as committing atrocities.

It should be no surprise that as a country, the United States also minimizes the harm it causes. The government uses various means to facilitate this process of distortion, including using uplifting code names for military operations, sanitizing the language of war, demonstrating a lack of interest in the victims, and consciously hiding of the carnage.

a. Using Uplifting Code Names:

Catchy code names for U.S. campaigns abroad hide the human suffering they are meant to impose:

1965: AOperation Rolling Thunder@ B a three-year continuous bombing of North Vietnam and areas of South Vietnam controlled by the National Liberation Front.

1967: AOperation Dockhouse V@ B the military campaign to subdue the Mekong Delta.

1983: AOperation Urgent Fury@ B the invasion of Grenada.

1989: AOperation Just Cause@ B the invasion of Panama.

1990 AOperation Desert Shield@ B the Adefensive@ set up for the Gulf War.

1991: AOperation Desert Storm@ B the Gulf War.

1999: AOperation Allied Force@ B the bombing of Yugoslavia.

2001: AOperation Infinite Justice,@ changed to AOperation Enduring Freedom@ B the bombing of Afghanistan.

2003: AOperation Iraqi Freedom@ B the invasion of Iraq.

b. Sanitizing the Language of War:

The description of the war in the media B with its euphemisms, sanitized language, high-tech maps, video graphics and computer simulations B hides the scope, magnitude and significance of the human suffering which is at the center of war.

Euphemisms include the following (and many more):

C ASurgical strikes.@

C AStrikes against military targets,@ referring to all strikes, even those which damage the civilian infrastructure, such as electricity and water facilities.

C ASmart bombs.@

C AClean bombs.@

C ADaisy Cutters,@ referring to 15,000-pound fuel air explosives.

C AMini-nukes,@ referring to 5,000-ton nuclear bombs B small in comparison to the Hiroshima bomb which was 13,000 tons.

C AThe Duck,@ as a nickname for the nuclear Abunker buster@ B61-11 bomb project.

C AAn air campaign@ meaning continuous bombing.

C AA rugged bird,@ to denote respect for the AH-64 Apache helicopter as a killing machine.

C AThe combat debut@ of the B-2 Stealth bomber in Yugoslavia, celebrating the first time the weapon was used.

C ACounter-value attacks@ meaning incinerating cities.

C AEngagement zones@ where pilots are to attack Atargets of opportunity@ B that is, kill everything that moves.

C ACollateral damage@ meaning civilian casualties.

C ANeutralize,@ or Atake out@ meaning killing and maiming.

c. Demonstrating a Lack of Interest in the Victims:

1991: Colin Powell, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, on March 22^nd, three weeks after the end of the Gulf War, answering questions about the number of Iraqi fatalities, in an interview at the Pentagon:

AIt=s really not a number I=m terribly interested in.@

2002: Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, on March 8^th, two and a half months after the end of the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, answering questions about the number of Afghan fatalities, in an interview on CBS Evening News:

AI don=t do body counts.@

d. Consciously hiding of the Carnage:

1962-1973: Vietnam: Throughout the war, the editors of ABC and NBC evening news programs were under orders by producers to delete all Aexcessively grisly or detailed shots,@ on the basis that such pictures are not appropriate for news programs shown at dinner time.

Michael Delli Carpini has shown that at no time during the Vietnam War, did the media question fundamental assumptions about the war, such as possible motivations or the characteristics of the policy-making apparatus which brought about the war. Discussions centered on tactics and cost-benefit ratios. The coverage lacked depth throughout the war, even after it became more critical, in the wake of the January 31, 1968, North Vietnamese Tet offensive.

2001: Afghanistan: In a move to deny the public any access to pictures of civilian casualties taken by the satellite Ikonos, run by the private company Space Imaging Inc., the Pentagon bought exclusive rights to all the pictures of Afghanistan taken by this satellite, retrospectively as of the start of the bombing raids. The Guardian of London explained that the photos would have shown Abodies lying on the ground... [without compromising] U.S. military security since they would not have shown the position of U.S. forces.@ The pictures cost Amillions of dollars.@

2004: Iraq: One year after the invasion, President George W. Bush still had not attended any funeral for fallen service members.

9. WITH VICTORY, A SENSE OF ACCOMPLISHMENT

Many rapist-murderers commit their crimes in search of an orgasm, release, a feeling of virility and power, and/or proof of an ability to control and dominate. In an echo of such feelings, most Americans have greeted Avictory@ (especially quick ones), with a sense of national accomplishment and renewed trust in the virility of the president. Media analyst Norman Solomon points out that, with the exceptions of the Vietnam War and the aftermath of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, modern wars have not been terribly divisive in the U.S. political arena. Popular perception is that within the hemisphere, we have reacted appropriately to problems with the Dominican Republic, Grenada and Panama, and that farther away, we have managed appropriately problems with Saddam Hussein in Iraq (at least in 1991), Slobodan Milosevic in Yugoslavia, and the Taliban in Afghanistan. AVictory@ is sweet.

1991: President George H. W. Bush, on April 18^th, six weeks after the Gulf War, in a speech to Congress. (The AVietnam Syndrome@ is a euphemism for American Aweakness@):

ABy God, we=ve licked the Vietnam Syndrome!@

2003: President George W. Bush, on July 2^nd, two months after his May 1, 2003, declaration that Amajor combat operations@ in Iraq had ended, referring to the increasing Iraqi resistance, speaking at a White House press conference:

AThere are some who feel like that conditions are such that they can attack us there. My answer is: >Bring them on!= We have the force necessary to deal with the situation.@

Smaller and more fleeting interventions, such as the bombing of Lybia in 1986, and the firing of missiles into Sudan and Afghanistan in 1998, are generally praised as missions well done. Ill-fated expeditions, such as the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, the 1983 expedition to Lebanon, and the 1993 operations in Somalia, are generally either denigrated as having been inadequate actions, or ruefully written off as experiments with bad results. When victory is elusive, the situation is experienced as a failure, and justifications for the action become suspect.

10. AFTER THE ACTION, PRIDE, NOT GUILT

Individual rapist-murderers commonly do not feel guilty for their act. Remorse may come much later, after difficult and arduous self-probing. In a parallel way, U.S. officialdom is not contrite for its deeds. On the contrary, leaders express in words the sense of national achievement and lift to national spirits which Avictory@ has engendered.

a. Pride:

1975: President Gerald Ford (1974-1977), on April 23^rd (having declared Avictory@ in Vietnam), one week before the National Liberation Front would overtake Saigon:

AToday, Americans can regain the sense of pride that existed before Vietnam.@

1991: President George H. W. Bush, right after the Gulf War:

AThe specter of Vietnam has been buried forever in the desert sands of the Arabian peninsula.@

2004: Former President George H. W. Bush, on May 29^th, thirteen months after his son=s declaration, on May 1, 2003, that Amajor combat operations@ in Iraq had ended, speaking to a gathering of state legislators:

AIt=s a proud day for America B and, by God, we=ve kicked the Vietnam Syndrome once and for all!@

b. No Remorse:

1977: President Jimmy Carter (1977-1981): On March 24^th, almost two years after the end of the Vietnam War, explaining why the United States had no responsibility to provide aid to Vietnam in compensation for the suffering and destruction it imposed on that country, and no reason to apologize to the Vietnamese people:

AThe destruction was mutual.@

1983: President Ronald Reagan, on November 4^th, ten days after the U.S. invasion of Grenada, responding to an overwhelming vote of disapproval of the invasion by the United Nations Assembly:

AOne hundred nations in the U.N. have not agreed with us on just about everything that=s come before them where we=re involved, and it didn=t upset my breakfast at all.@

1988: Vice President George H. W. Bush, on August 2^nd, introducing to reporters the newly-formed Coalition of American Nationalities, which would help boost the Bush/Quayle vote among ethnic minorities B the Vice President was referring to the shooting down by the USS Vincennes, on July 3^rd, of the commercial flight, Iran Air 655, causing 290 civilian fatalities from six nations, among which were 66 children:

AI will never apologize for the United States of America, ever. I don=t care what the facts are.@

(While Bush=s statement was in the context of the Iran-Iraq war, which is not under discussion here, it does show that a presidential candidate could make such a statement, go on and win the election, and eleven months after taking office, order the invasion of another country B in this case, Panama. One can assume that Bush=s feelings were similar with regards to the thousands of Panamanian civilians killed in that invasion).

11. A PERIOD OF QUIESCENCE

Generated by continuous and tenacious inner conflicts, the satisfaction brought on by a rape-murder is short-lived. The feeling being sought is ephemeral and the deed must be repeated to re-capture it. Counting only the eight interventions included in the present analysis, the United States has, in the 43 years from 1960 to 2003, violated other countries in a direct and major way, on the average (8 / 43) = once every 5.4 years.

12. FANTASIZING THE NEXT ACTION

Thought comes before action. The individual rapist-murderer fantasizes before he acts. In the United States at present B though the country is still embroiled in an unfinished war against Iraq B some openly express fantasies of future wars.

Three examples:

2003:

C Bill Keller, on June 13^th, shortly before becoming executive editor at the New York Times:

AThe truth is that the information-gathering machine designed to guide our leaders in matters of war and peace, shows signs of being corrupted. To my mind, this is a worrisome problem, but not because it invalidates the war we won. It is a problem because it weakens us for the wars we still face.@

C Top Pentagon Officials, as reported by the Los Angeles Times, on July 18^th:

ATop Pentagon officials are studying the lessons of Iraq closely B to ensure that the next U.S. takeover of a foreign country goes more smoothly.@

C Lawrence DiRita, Assistant to Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, as reported by the Los Angeles Times on July 18^th:

AWe=re going to get better over time. We=ve always thought of post-hostilities as a phase [apart from combat, but] the future of war is that these things are going to be much more of a continuum... We=ll get better as we do it more often.@

THE SEXUAL ELEMENT IN WAR

War is not only murder, it is violation of the inner space of another country. Phallic imagery and innuendos of competitive male sexuality permeate both strategic thinking and the weapons industry. We Aproject@ our power onto the world by means of Aforward operating bases.@ Our goal is Afull spectrum dominance.@ Nuclear weapons have Amore bang for the buck@ than conventional weapons. Nuclear missiles are based in Asilos@ (holes). The Boeing AGM-69 nuclear short range attack missile, first used in a live situation by the strategic air command (SAC) in 1987, was 18 inches in diameter and 14 feet long. It was specifically designed to improve the survivability of the bomber force by means Aneutralizing the enemy=s defenses.@ Its acronym was ASRAM.@ The motto of the SAC is APeace is our Profession.@

Strategic analysts discuss vertical erector launchers, thrust-to-weight ratios, soft lay downs, deep penetration, the vulnerability of weapons, and the comparative advantages of protracted versus spasm attacks. In 1982, the Boeing/Martin Marietta, top-of-the line, MX intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), capable of ejecting 400 times the explosive power of the Hiroshima bomb, was re-named by President Reagan, the APeacekeeper.@ ASpeak Softly and Carry a Big Stick,@ goaded a 1985 McDonnell Douglas advertisement for the AV-8B Harrier II, boasting that its Avectored thrust capability makes possible a uniquely rapid response.@ With a crew of one, the airplane can deliver ten types of bombs and missiles with pinpoint accuracy.

The command and control center of a military unit is called Athe family jewels.@ Bombs are Agadgets.@ Sometimes, warheads have Apenetration aids.@ In a successful performance, warheads get Amarried@ to a diagnostic canister, and when they explode, they Acouple@ with the ground. The B61-11 nuclear, earth-penetrating Abunker buster@ bomb, a joint project of the Departments of Defense and Energy, is 13.4 inches in diameter and 12 feet long. Its casing, made of uranium-238 (Adepleted@ uranium, DU), is 1.7 times denser than lead, giving it the capability to burrow 15 to 20 feet into the earth before it explodes. Its mission is to provide Aa new way to put at risk robustly defended, deeply buried targets.@

Rape is a cross-cultural symbol of male domination. It is a form of torture, and like other forms of torture, it effectively reduces resistance not only in its immediate victim but also, by means of the terror it induces, in others as well. War is the deliberate infliction of life-destroying harm, and rape is part of its fabric. The My Lai massacre revealed that rapes by U.S. soldiers in Vietnam were common, very few perpetrators being apprehended. Soldiers often described rape as ASOP@ B standard operating procedure.

In Okinawa, Russell Carollo and his team have shown that during the period 1988-1995, an average of two U.S. Navy or Marine servicemen per month were court-martialed for sexual assault. As of the time of publication of their report (1995), the number of Army servicemen court martialed for sexual assault had not been released by the Pentagon. Chalmers Johnson has estimated that the incidence of reported rapes for the population of Okinawa is 82 per 100,000 B twice the incidence of reported rapes in the United States, where we know that less than a third of rapes are reported. The Okinawa culture places considerably more onus on a woman who reports rape than does the culture of the United States. This incidence of rape in Okinawa, therefore, is an extreme under-estimate. Similarly high incidences of rape occur at the approximately 725 official and 300 espionage (secret) military bases which the U.S. maintains in foreign countries.

In 1991, war historian Martin van Creveld wrote:

ADuring most of history, the opportunity to engage in wholesale rape was not just among the rewards of successful war but, from the soldier=s point of view, one of the cardinal objectives for which he fought.@

Today, a dis-inhibition of the sexual drive may be seen as the accompaniment of the dis-inhibition of the aggressive drive which is needed for combat.

1995: Admiral Richard Macke, Commander of U.S. Forces in the Pacific, on November 17^th, reacting to the September 4^th rape of a twelve-year-old Okinawan girl by three American servicemen, speaking to the press, in his headquarters at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii:

AI think that it was absolutely stupid. For the price they paid to rent the car, they could have had a girl.@

CONCLUSIONS

Leaders may have a stake in waging war. Whether successful or not, war diverts attention from domestic issues and, like the death penalty, demonstrates convincingly to all that the leader has power of life and death over the people under his rule. Wars which end in Avictory,@ generally increase the leader=s legitimacy by enlarging his area of domination and/or the resources on which he can draw.

Individuals would seem at first sight to have less of a direct stake in war. However, since throughout history, people have accepted leaders who make war, one must wonder what unconscious motives individuals might have for tolerating and even encouraging this behavior on the part of their leaders, rather than protecting themselves from it, such as by putting them in a mental hospital or in prison. Lloyd deMause has given strong evidence that the need for enemies is related to early childhood experiences. George Lakoff has shown that we conceptualize the nation metaphorically as a family, with the government B or head of state B an older male authority figure, typically a father. He has provided convincing evidence that the type of family we grow up in, is at the root of our socio-political views, be these conservative or liberal.

The President has echoed both deMause=s and Lakoff=s theses.

2000: President George W. Bush, on January 21^st, speaking at Iowa Western Community College:

AWhen I was coming up, it was a dangerous world, and you knew exactly who they were. It was us versus them, and it was clear who them was [sic]. Today, we are not so sure who the they are, but we know they=re there.@

2002: President George W. Bush, on September 26^th B twenty days after his Chief of Staff, Andrew Card, had explained to reporters why the White House waited until after Labor Day to start its public relations campaign to convince the public that an invasion of Iraq was necessary (AFrom a marketing point of view...@) B speaking in Houston, Texas, referring to President Saddam Hussein:

AAfter all, this is the guy who tried to kill my Dad!@

The pattern which emerges from the present analysis makes it clear that if the behavior of the government of the United States during the past forty-five years, were that of an individual, it would not be tolerated by society. The cluster of characteristics which includes self-perception of fundamental goodness; silencing inner doubts; selecting, blaming and demonizing a particular victim; when the opportunity for the act arises, inventing immediate pretexts; once the action has started, an unwillingness to stop; denial of the victim=s suffering; a sense of release after the fact; a lack of remorse; periods of quiescence; and fantasies of further similar acts B this cluster is the trademark of individuals who are criminals.

Yet, when it is our government which behaves this way, we cannot muster among ourselves a sufficiently large consensus to halt it from committing rape and murder. Wars are recurrent and generally fought in the name of peace. But if a physician gave us a remedy consistently failing to bring us relief, we would finally decide that the physician is a charlatan. Not so for war. We continue to believe that wars are fought because of other people rather than seeing them for what they are B murder, life-destroying suffering, and the maiming of the next generation, in which we ourselves participate.

The proximal causes of war are multiple, complement one another, and act synergistically. It is too simple to focus the blame on any one group, whether it be our leaders; conservatives or liberals; vested interests (the military, large corporations); those of us greedy for resources; the media; testosterone-driven men; the soldiers who actually Ado the job@; or even those of us who have concluded that the substitution of children for adults is a necessary component in the administration of a just punishment to another country. These groups do not act in a vacuum. Their deeds are done Ain our name,@ on our behalf B and with our tacit cooperation. We provide the water in which the fish swim. Is it possible that we B all of us (peace activists have fantasies too) B have within ourselves an unconscious need to rape and murder which we (unconsciously) entrust our leaders to actualize in the world, on a regular, cyclical basis?

The value of conceptualizing war as the recurrent actualization of sexual and aggressive fantasies in a male dominated society, is that it points to new directions for prevention. It points, for instance, to the benefits which might accrue from elucidating the unconscious components of war behavior, the consequences of living in a male-dominated society, and the importance of childhood experiences in generating the extreme anger which war releases.

The present article is a call to look within ourselves for possible unconscious motives which might explain why our government, in the past forty-five years, considering only the eight major direct interventions analyzed here, has violated the inner space of other nations, and ejected explosives which have killed between two and three million people.

REFERENCES

THE ANALYSIS

1. The Invasion of the Dominican Republic: Solomon 2005, p. 5.

2. The Invasion of Vietnam: Zinn 2003, p. ix. Ali 2003, p. 174.

3. The Invasion of Grenada: Stauber and Rampton 1995. PBS Online 1999-2000.

4. The Invasion of Panama: NationMaster.com 2005, p. 3. Clark et al., pp. 1-2. Solomon 2005, p. 20.

5. The Gulf War: Ali 2003, p. 174. Hiro 2002, p. 39. Ahmed 2003, pp. 90-91 and 289.

6. The Invasion of Yugoslavia: Wikipedia 2005c. Human Rights Watch 2000, pp. 1 and 3.

7. The Invasion of Afghanistan: The World Messenger 2004, pp. 1 and 11. Herold undated, pp. 1 and 3. Mahajan 2002 p. 51. Wikipedia 2005d, p. 10

8. The Invasion of Iraq: United States Department of Defense 2005; cited in Cryptome.org 2005, p. 1. Roberts 2004. Seattle Times 2005, p. 1. Ahmed 2003, p. 289.

1. PERCEIVING THE SELF AS FUNDAMENTALLY GOOD

Within the United States: Solomon 2005, pp. 21 and 27-30.

a. The Nobility of our Goals:

1968: President Lyndon Johnson: Lyndon Johnson, January 17, 1968, transcript, Infoplease 2000-2005, pp. 2 and 4-5.

1969: President Richard Nixon: Richard Nixon, November 3, 1969, transcript, Historical Documents and Speeches undated, p. 13.

1999: President Bill Clinton: William Clinton, March 24, 1999, transcript, CNN.com 1999, pp. 1 and 3.

And two months later: William Clinton, May 23, 1999, the New York Times 1999. Transcript, PBS NewsHour Online 1999, p. 2.

2002: President George W. Bush: George W. Bush, January 29, 2002, transcript, the White House 2002, p. 11.

b. The Uprightness of our Moral Principles:

1990: President George H. W. Bush: George H. W. Bush, October 26, 1990, quoted in Miller 2001, p. 89.

1991: President George H. W. Bush: George H. W. Bush, July 15, 1991; quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 189.

2003: President George W. Bush: George W. Bush, March 17, 2003, transcript, the White House 2003a, p. 3.

c. The Sincerity of our Government:

1971: During the Vietnam War: Solomon 2005, p. 32.

2003: Prior to the invasion of Iraq: Solomon 2005, p. 32.

d. Being Victimized:

1966: President Lyndon Johnson: Lyndon Johnson, May 11, 1966, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Lyndon Johnson, Vol. 1, p. 496; quoted in Blum 2005, p. 6.

2001: President George W. Bush: George W. Bush, September 20, 2001, transcript, the White House 2001, p. 5.

2003: Donald Rumsfeld, Defense Secretary: Donald Rumsfeld, April 28, 2003, quoted in Mahajan 2003, p. 9.

e. No Other Options than War:

1964: President Lyndon Johnson: Lyndon Johnson, July 24, 1964, quoted in Stone 1972, p. 326; re-quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 167.

2001: President George W. Bush: George W. Bush, September 20, 2001, transcript, the White House 2001, p. 6.

2. SILENCING DOUBTS

1966: President Lyndon Johnson: Lyndon Johnson, May 17, 1966, quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 155. Zaroulis and Sullivan 1984, Chapter 4, Becalmed in a Sea of Uncertainty.

1968: General William Westmoreland: William Westmoreland, April 24, 1967, quoted in Stone 1972, p. 76; re-quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 155. Zaroulis and Sullivan 1984, Chapter 5, To break the Betrayal of my Own Silences.

1969: President Lyndon Johnson: Lyndon Johnson, March 18, 1968, quoted in Stone 1972, p. 380; re-quoted in Solomon 2005, pp. 155-156.

1970: President Richard Nixon: Richard Nixon, November 3, 1969, transcript, Historical Documents and Speeches undated, p. 13.

2003: Colin Powell, Secretary of State: Colin Powell, February 5, 2003, transcript, the White House 2003b, p. 7.

3. SELECTING THE VICTIM

At any one time: Solomon 2005, pp. 64 and 75.

1981: President Ronald Reagan: Ronald Reagan, January 20, 1981, transcript, World Wide School undated, pp. 7-8.

2002: President George W. Bush: George W. Bush, January 29, 2002, transcript, the White House 2002, p. 4.

4. BLAMING THE VICTIM

1964: President Lyndon Johnson: Lyndon Johnson, August 4, 1964, transcript, mitglied.lycos.de 1964.

The Maddox: Solomon 2005, p. 104. Hallin 1986, pp. 16-17; Stockdale 1990; cited in Solomon 2005, p. 104.

2003: President George W. Bush: George W. Bush, March 17, 2003, transcript, the White House 2003a, p. 2.

By January 2004: Colin Powell, September 13, 2004, quoted by Reuters 2004; re-quoted in Common Dreams 2004, p. 1.

5. DEMONIZING THE VICTIM

An evil so great: Solomon 2005, pp. 64 and 203.

1965: President Lyndon Johnson: Lyndon Johnson, July 28, 1965, transcript, Department of State 1965, p. 4.

1989: Acting Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger: Lawrence Eagleburger, August 24, 1989, transcript, United States Department of State Bulletin 1989.

1991: President George H. W. Bush: George H. W. Bush, August 15, 1990, quoted in the New York Times 1990; re-quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 64.

And two months later: George H. W. Bush, October 23, 1990; quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 65.

During this same speech: George H. W. Bush, October 23, 1990; quoted in Solomon 2005, pp. 83-84. MacMichael and McGovern 2003, p. 6.

1999: President Bill Clinton: William Clinton, March 23, 1999, transcript, USIS Washington File 03/23/99, p. 5.

And twenty-four hours later: William Clinton, March 24, 1999, transcript, CNN.com 1999, p. 1

2002: President George W. Bush: Johnson 2004b, p. 231. Johnson 2003, p. 6.

6. FINDING PRETEXTS

When his strategies: Solomon 2005, pp. 1 and 26. Free Speech Radio News 2005.

1965: The Dominican Republic: Solomon 2005, pp. 1-3 and 22. McPherson 2003, cited in Solomon 2005, p. 3.

1950-1975: Vietnam: Rotter 1999, pp. 1-4 (Coonskin quote is on p. 3). Spartacus School 2005, pp. 7, 10, 15-16 and 28-29. Summers 1996, p. 1. Summers 1982, p. 98, cited in Phillips 2004, pp. 278 and 312.

1983: Grenada: Solomon 2005, pp. 7- 8, 21-22. Reagan, October 25, 1983; quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 246.

1989: Panama: The Boston Globe 1989; quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 15.

Noam Chomsky: Solomon 2005, pp. 10-13. Chomsky 1993, pp. 51-52; quoted in Solomon 2005, pp. 242-243.

2001: Afghanistan: Donald Rumsfeld, October 7, 2001, transcript, National Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism 2001, p. 1.

The U.S. forces... The United Nations Office: Mahajan 2002, pp. 34-35.

2002: Iraq: Andrew Card, September 6, 2002; quoted in the New York Times 2002; re-quoted in Goodman 2004, p. 137.

2003: Iraq: Phillips 2004, p. 312.

7. ONCE THE WAR STARTS: AN ALL-OUT PUSH AND NO BREAKS

a. An All-out Push:

Solomon 2005, p. 123.

The over-representation: Solomon 2005, pp. 123 and 125; Dolny 2004; cited in Solomon 2005, p. 124.

1991: The Gulf War: FAIR 1991, p. 5.

1999: The Bombing of Yugoslavia: FAIR 1999, pp. 1-2.

2003: The Invasion of Iraq: FAIR 2003, p. 1.

b. Stopping is really not an Option:

1965: President Lyndon Johnson: Johnson, July 28, 1965, quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 221.

1968: President Lyndon Johnson: Lyndon Johnson, March 18, 1968; quoted in Stone 1972, p. 380; re-quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 229.

2003: General John Abizaid, Commander of U.S. troops in the Middle East: Abizaid, August 19, 2003, quoted in the Wall Street Journal 2003; re-quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 223.

2005: President George W. Bush: George W. Bush, April 13, 2004, transcript, the White House 2004, pp. 5 and 15.

2006: President George W. Bush: George W. Bush, August 4, 2005, quoted in Democracy Now! 2005.

8. DENIAL OF THE SUFFERING IMPOSED

On an individual basis: Baumeister 1997, pp. 18-19 and 46; cited in Card 2002, pp. 9-10. Card p. 49.

a. Using Uplifting Code Names:

Spartacus School 2005, p. 16. Solomon 2005, pp. 133-134.

b. Sanitizing the Language of War:

Solomon 2005, pp. 143-144.

Euphemisms have included:

C ASurgical strikes@: Solomon 2005, p. 119.

C AStrikes against military targets@: Solomon 2005, p. 119 and 121.

C ASmart bombs@: Solomon 2005, p. 188.

C AClean bombs@: Cohn 2003, p. 57.

C ADaisy Cutters@: Caldicott 2002, p. x.

C AMini-nukes@: Caldicott 2002, p. 48.

C AThe Duck@: Nuclear Information Project 2005, no page number.

C AAn air campaign@: Solomon 2005, p. 122.

C AA rugged bird@: Solomon 2005, p. 190.

C AThe combat debut@: Solomon 2005, p. 125.

C ACounter-value attacks@: Cohn 2003, p. 57. Caldicott 2002, p. 16.

C AEngagement zones@: Mahajan 2002, p. 44.

C ACollateral damage@: Solomon 2005, pp. 118, 125 and 187-188.

C ANeutralize@: Solomon 2005, p. 125.

c. Demonstrating a Lack of Interest in the Victims:

1991: Colin Powell, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff: Colin Powell, March 22, 1991, quoted in the New York Times 1991; re-quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 142.

2002: Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld: Donald Rumsfeld, CBS Evening News 2002; quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 193.

d. Consciously hiding of the Carnage:

1962-1973: Vietnam: Epstein 1975, p. 218; cited in Solomon 2005, p. 139.

Michael Delli Carpini: Delli Carpini 1990, p. 146; cited in Solomon 2005, p. 140.

2001 Afghanistan: The Guardian of London 2001; cited in Solomon 2005, p. 129; The New York Times 2001; cited in Parenti 2002, p. 51.

2004: Iraq: Washington Post 2004; cited in Solomon 2005, p. 149.

9. WITH VICTORY, A SENSE OF ACCOMPLISHMENT

Many rapist-murderers: Solomon 2005, p. 8.

1991: President George H. W. Bush: George H. W. Bush, quoted in the Los Angeles Times, April 19, 1991; re-quoted in Miller 2001, p. 91.

2003: President George W. Bush: George. W. Bush, July 2, 2003, quoted in Reuters 2003; re-quoted in Unknown News 2003, p. 1.

Smaller and more fleeting interventions: Solomon 2005, p. 8.

10. AFTER THE ACT, PRIDE, NOT GUILT

a. Pride:

1975: President Gerald Ford: President Gerald Ford, April 23, 1975, quoted in Spartacus School 2005, p. 33.

1991: President George H. W. Bush: George H. W. Bush, quoted in Zinn 2002; re-quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 211.

2004: Former President George H. W. Bush: George H. W. Bush, quoted in the National Journal 2004, p. 1702; re-quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 211.

b. No Remorse:

1977: President Jimmy Carter: Jimmy Carter, March 24, 1977; quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 205. Wikipedia 2005b, p. 7.

1983: President Ronald Reagan: Ronald Reagan, November 4, 1983, quoted in the New York Times 1983, p. 16; re-quoted in Blum 1995, p. 276.

1988: Vice President George H. W. Bush: George H. W. Bush, August 2, 1988, quoted in Wikipedia 2005a, p. 3; quoted also in Miller 2001, p. 81. Wikipedia 2005a, p. 1.

11. A PERIOD OF QUIESCENCE

12. FANTASIZING THE NEXT ACTION

2003:

C Bill Keller: Keller, June 13, 2003, quoted in the New York Times 2003; re-quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 219.

C Top Pentagon Officials: The Los Angeles Times 2003; quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 219.

C Lawrence DiRita, Assistant to Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld: DiRita, quoted in the Los Angeles Times 2003; re-quoted in Solomon 2005, p. 219.

THE SEXUAL ELEMENT IN WAR

War is not only murder: Klare 2004, p. 139. United States Department of Defense 2000, May 30; cited in Mahajan 2003, p. 9. United States Department of Defense 2000, June 2. Grossman 2001, pp. 9-18. Cohn 2003, pp. 58 and 62. United States Department of Defense, Strategic Air Command undated, pp. 1, 3 and 5. Federation of American Scientists 2000a, p. 1.

Strategic analysts discuss: Cohn 2003, pp. 57-58 and 61. United States Air Force Magazine 1985; cited in Cohn 2003, p. 58. Federation of American Scientists 2000b, p. 4. McDonnell Douglas 2003, p. 1.

The command and control center: Cohn 2003, pp. 58, 60 and 62. Caldicott 2002, pp. 13, 16-17, 47 and 49. Nuclear Information Project 2005. Christian Science Monitor 2002, p. 1-3. Center for Research on Globalization 2001, pp. 2-3.

Rape is a cross-cultural symbol: Card 2002, pp. 122 and 124-125. Brownmiller 1975, p. 33; cited in Card p. 126. Stuhldreher 1999, pp. 1-2. Brownmiller 1975, pp. 31, 104-105 and 110; cited in Stuhldreher p. 1. CNN 2004, p. 1.

In Okinawa: Carollo et al. 1995; cited in Johnson 2000, pp. 41-42; recited in Johnson 2004a. Johnson 2000, p. 42. Johnson 2004a. Rapes: United States Military Bases against Women and Children 2000, p. 1. United States Department of Justice 1996. United States Department of Defense 2002; cited in Johnson 2004b, pp. 153-154.

In 1991, war historian: van Creveld 1991, p. 179.

1995: Admiral Richard Macke, Commander of U.S. Forces in the Pacific: Macke, November 17, 1995, quoted in Burns 1995; re-quoted in Johnson 2000, p. 35.

CONCLUSIONS

Individuals would seem: deMause 1974, pp. 51-54. deMause 2002, pp. 149-162. Lakoff 1996/2002, pp. 33-34, 108 and 153-154.

2000: President George W. Bush: George W. Bush, January 20, 2000, quoted in Slate 2000; re-quoted in Miller 2001, pp. 207-208; quoted also in Serendipity 2001, p. 3.

President George W. Bush: George W. Bush, September 26, 2002, quoted in Johnson 2003, p. 1.

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